The latest Pew Research Center global attitudes survey should be read as a serious political signal rather than a passing fluctuation in public opinion. Drawing on interviews with 42,151 people across 36 countries and regions, it finds that 46 percent of respondents hold a favorable view of China, compared with 36 percent for the United States. That reversal is historically significant because it marks the first time in two decades that China has surpassed the US in global favorability. More important still, the result is not confined to one region or one type of electorate. It reflects a broad recalibration of international judgment about which major power appears more credible, more consistent, and more worthy of trust across diverse political and cultural contexts worldwide, underscoring its global implications.
The most telling feature of the survey is the breadth of the shift. China is now viewed more positively than the US in 25 of the 36 countries and regions surveyed. The respondents include not only states in Asia and the Middle East, but also Canada, Mexico, and several major European democracies. Such a pattern cannot be explained by a single election cycle or by temporary dissatisfaction in one region. It suggests a deeper reassessment of American conduct and Chinese standing. When global opinion shifts across such diverse political and cultural settings, the explanation usually lies in how states behave, not in how they are described.
The decline in American standing is particularly striking because it is occurring alongside a gradual improvement in views of China. Pew’s trend data show that in 2023, the US was still far ahead, with 58 percent holding a favorable view of America and 32 percent expressing the same view of China. By 2026, those numbers had moved in the opposite direction, with China rising to 46 percent and the US falling to 36 percent. This reversal signifies a fundamental shift in global perceptions, eroding the diplomatic advantage the US once enjoyed and highlighting China’s increasing credibility and influence on the world stage.
Canada offers one of the clearest examples of this shift. In 2023, 57 percent of Canadians viewed the US favorably, while only 14 percent viewed China favorably. By 2026, that pattern had flipped. Only 33 percent of Canadians held a favorable view of the US, whereas 44 percent viewed China positively. This 43-point reversal is politically meaningful because Canada is one of Washington’s closest neighbors and most enduring allies. When sentiment changes so sharply in such a relationship, it should alarm policymakers about the erosion of trust in American leadership and the potential for shifting alliances.
Trust is earned through behavior, not declared through slogans. If a major power wants to be regarded as a global leader, it must convince others that its power can be relied upon and its promises will not be rewritten at its convenience. On that test, Pew’s numbers suggest that a larger part of the world is now asking harder questions of Washington and finding Beijing easier to take seriously
Europe tells a similar story, though in a different register. In Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Greece, more people express confidence in the Chinese leadership than in the US leadership when it comes to doing the right thing in world affairs. This does not mean that Europe has embraced China wholesale. It means that many members of the public in Europe now judge the current US leadership as less trustworthy than the Chinese leadership on the basic question of international responsibility. That is a severe indictment of American statecraft. A government that always claims moral leadership cannot afford to appear erratic, coercive, or persistently at odds with its own allies. In international politics, relative credibility matters as much as absolute popularity; and a leader needs to appear steady, predictable, and capable of following through on commitments.
The survey’s finding of a steep decline in the share of people who believe the US respects personal freedoms has also cast doubt on the moral leadership that the US has claimed in global politics. In Sweden, for example, the percentage of respondents who said America respects personal freedoms fell from 61 percent in 2021 to 27 percent in 2026. This decline would concern policymakers and citizens alike, as it signals a significant loss of the core American value that has long defined its global image.
The perception of foreign policy plays an equally important role in shaping a state’s moral leadership. In the 17 middle-income countries Pew examined, a median of 75 percent say the US interferes in the affairs of other countries a great deal or a fair amount, compared with 45 percent who say the same of China. Many of these respondents also view China as a more reliable partner and as a more constructive contributor to peace and stability. This distinction matters because countries in the Global South tend to be highly sensitive to the difference between partnership and pressure. Whereas Washington is often seen as demanding political alignment and imposing conditions, Beijing is increasingly seen as offering infrastructure, trade, and room for maneuver.
Latin America provides a more specific regional illustration of this broader trend. In Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, more people view China favorably than the US, while Brazil and Colombia are roughly split. The significance of this development lies in its occurrence in a region historically associated with American influence. If that influence no longer secures public goodwill, then Washington’s claims to regional primacy are much weaker than they once appeared. Public opinion there suggests that economic engagement and political restraint are becoming more persuasive than threats or ideological lectures.
The deeper lesson from the Pew survey is that international standing cannot survive prolonged contradiction between rhetoric and conduct. The US has long portrayed itself as the guardian of freedom, the leader of the “free world”, and the indispensable power in global affairs. Yet the evidence suggests that many see something different: a state willing to pressure allies, escalate trade conflict, and substitute coercion for persuasion. Once that perception takes hold, soft power begins to decay.
What emerges from the survey is not a simple story of China rising and America falling in terms of international credibility and influence. It is a more exacting judgment about legitimacy in international politics. Trust is earned through behavior, not declared through slogans. If a major power wants to be regarded as a global leader, it must convince others that its power can be relied upon and its promises will not be rewritten at its convenience. On that test, Pew’s numbers suggest that a larger part of the world is now asking harder questions of Washington and finding Beijing easier to take seriously.
The author is a solicitor, a Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area lawyer, and a China-appointed attesting officer.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
