Editor’s note: In the run-up to the chief executive election on Sunday, China Daily talked to foreign experts based in Hong Kong for their opinions on the upcoming poll and the new electoral system. In the last story in this series, “Foreign Insights: Election”, Chandran Nair, the founder and CEO of the Global Institute for Tomorrow and author of Dismantling Global White Privilege: Equity for a Post-Western World, weighed in on the topic. Here is the excerpt of the interview.

This undated file photo shows Chandran Nair, Founder and CEO of Global Institute For Tomorrow. (PARKER ZHENG / CHINA DAILY)

1. Changes to the electoral system were put in place to ensure having “patriots administering Hong Kong”. How do you perceive its necessity and impact on the city’s future development?

The discussion about patriots in Hong Kong has been construed in many different ways in Western democracies. I don’t think anyone in a Western democracy would say, “I’m leading this party or standing for elections because I don’t like my country and I’m going to work against it.” In any democratic system, everyone who stands for election is a patriot by definition, and I don’t know why we have this odd discussion about patriots in HK.

If you want to stand for CE, you have to express clearly that you are working for Hong Kong and also for the interest of the sovereign. You cannot say you’re working for Hong Kong but constantly look to undermine the sovereign power by cooperating with foreign powers to sanction China. This would not be accepted anywhere. Imagine a US senator asking the UN to investigate war crimes committed by the US in Iraq.

2. Hong Kong’s electoral system has seen changes from time to time since its return to the country in 1997. But one of the constants in these changes is the criticism from the West on the efforts made by the central government and the special administrative region government. In your opinion, what’s their stake in Hong Kong’s electoral revamp?

In most Western countries the prevailing view is that a system that does not conform with its norms about how democratic systems operate will be criticized.

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However, China has a different system and has to contend with this criticism from most of the Western world though the non-Western world has a better understanding and acceptance of the plurality of political systems. China’s system doesn’t have to be the same as the United States. Or any other nation. China’s system works for China, and China must ensure that government policies prioritize the welfare of its people given its own unique conditions. We have to focus on improving things at home; then, the world will understand because the results will be very clear. Most of the non-Western world looks at the undeniable results in China and appreciate that there is something here that’s working very well. I think Hong Kong’s new electoral system is a fundamental test for this city in the same way – will it work for the people of Hong Kong.

3. What traits do you believe the city’s new leader should have? John Lee Ka-chiu has garnered nominations from over half of the Election Committee members to run for the election. Does this mean that he has wide acceptance among Hong Kong’s various sectors? How will such recognition help Lee’s administration if he is elected?

I think the first important thing is to make sure that the new CE and his administration send a powerful and clear message to the people of Hong Kong that they will work for the people of Hong Kong. I feel the Chinese leaders will be looking for that kind of leader and not one who is second-guessing what Beijing wants.

John Lee must represent the people of Hong Kong, and I think he should be fearless in this because I believe this is what the Chinese government wants. They want a chief executive for Hong Kong who says clearly what is best for the people of Hong Kong and what they want and desire. If we have chief executives who simply believe their role is to take orders, then that’s no good for the central government and no good for Hong Kong people. The leader needs to be one who has a clear plan of action and tells the central government this is what people want and then comes to decisions together with the central government to solve Hong Kong people’s problems. That does not mean everything can be done, but it is the basis by which to build trust with the people of Hong Kong.

4. What do you think of John Lee? Have you come into contact with him during his 40 years in public service?

I’ve never actually had the pleasure of meeting him, and I wish him all the best. From the media, I have understood that he is a decision-maker, tough, and committed to Hong Kong. He now has to work to ensure he’s not simply viewed as a former police officer and his image is not just about being someone who is put in place to implement the security and law and enforce it. Hopefully, he has the much-needed political skills to navigate these challenging times, and he understands he has to be far more than just an administrator. This is politics, and you need new optics and to seek to contribute in a positive way given the challenges we have.

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I think he needs to gather a diversity of opinions and listen to people from all walks of life. This needs to be more than stage-managed events for the media. He should look at who are the best people in Hong Kong to get advice even if they have differing views from him and his colleagues in the administration. He has to be radical with the regard to the most critical issue of housing. I think if he can address these socioeconomic conditions, which should be our priority of the next 10 years at least, then it will help him build trust and essentially win a lot of friends with the disenfranchised majority.

5. Lee recently unveiled his political platform and three policy directions. What’s your take on them? Do you think your sector can benefit from the proposals?

I think all of Hong Kong can benefit if his stated policies are executed. The housing problem is the No 1 economic problem in Hong Kong. It is a social issue of utmost importance. Many in Hong Kong are disadvantaged by this issue, and their frustration is understandable. They are not simply against the central government, but they have fundamental economic issues that must be addressed by the new CE. Of course, there is a political situation that arose with the protests, but there is already a “one country, two systems” framework to work these out, and the sovereign state has the right to assert itself when chaos ensures, but it also has an obligation to listen and help resolve these issues. The CE has to play that critical bridging role.

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If he takes care of the socioeconomic situation and the welfare of the people and helps improve the quality of the poor living conditions so many have to endure in a rich city, things will work out well. I think we need good policies to restore Hong Kong and, importantly, get people to gain the trust of the government. That’s the most critical thing, but easier said than done.

Trust requires basically solving the socioeconomic problems of the people who have bad housing conditions for too long. In that regard, he needs the support of all of us. He cannot be cocooned away in the government offices and think from afar about what is happening on the ground. He needs to go out to meet people every day of the week, and by that I mean not elites and the usual suspects. Go on the ground, and then build trust. Convey these unvarnished and with your solutions to leaders in Beijing and make sure to act with speed. It is the only way.